Soviet democracy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Democracy |
|---|
|
This series is part of |
|
|
|
|
|
|
- For the Soviet republics of the Soviet Union, see Republics of the Soviet Union.
Soviet democracy is a form of democracy in which workers' councils called "soviets" consisting of worker-elected delegates form organs of power. The soviets begin at the local level and onto a national parliament-like assembly. According to Lenin and other Soviet ideologists, the soviets represent the democratic will of the working class.
Contents |
The process begins when the workers of a city elect their local soviet. This body holds both legislative and executive power for that city. (The idea is identical to the Paris Commune.) The local soviets of a region elect their regional soviet, which will have legislative and executive power for that region. The elective process of a group of soviets electing the council above it continues until the national soviet, which is the supreme governing body of the land.
Proponents argue that this form of democracy is a method through which the dictatorship of the proletariat can be exercised in large populations. Soviet democracy is democracy by proxy. That is to say that members of the soviets are close to those workers or lower soviet members that they represent and therefore can accurately translate the people's decisions into legislation. It differs from a parliamentary democracy by having elements of direct democracy, since the representatives in the local soviets can quickly be changed.
The first soviets, also called workers councils, were formed after the Russian Revolution of 1905. Lenin and the Bolsheviks saw the soviet as the basic organizing unit of society in a communist system and supported this form of democracy. The soviets also played a considerable role in the February and October Revolution. At that time, they represented a variety of parties in addition to Bolsheviks.
In post-revolutionary Russia local workers' soviets would elect representatives that go on to form regional soviets, which in turn elect representatives that form higher soviets, and so on up to the Congress of Soviets. Later the Supreme Soviet, would become the highest legislative body of the entire country.
After Lenin's party, the Bolsheviks, only a got a minority of the votes in the election to the Russian Constituent Assembly, he disbanded it after its first meeting, arguing, like Marx, that parliamentary democracy could not fairly represent the workers since it was in practice dominated by the bourgeoisie, and that the Soviets more accurately represented the opinion of the people, which had changed as shown in the elections to the Soviets between the time of the elections to the Assembly and the first meeting of the Assembly. He also explicitly stated that democracy did not include those considered bourgeoisie.[1] Critics argued that the elections to the Soviets were not free and fair, unlike the elections to the Assembly.
After the revolution, the Bolsheviks had to defend the newly formed government in World War One and the Russian Civil War. The effects of the wars on the new soviet government may be part of what led to the decline of soviet democracy in Russia (due to the authority a state must take on in war time) and to the emergence of the bureaucratic structure that maintained much control throughout the history of the Soviet Union. Other parties than the Bolsheviks were gradually prohibited. Lenin argued that the Soviets and the principle of democratic centralism within the Bolshevik party still assured democracy. However, Lenin also issued a "temporary" ban on factions within the party. This ban remained until the fall of Communism and according to critics made the democratic procedures within the party an empty formality.[1]
When Stalin came to power he consolidated much more authority under the party. Soviets were transformed into the bureaucratic structure that existed throughout the history of the Soviet Union and were completely under control of the party officials and the politburo.
In theory, citizens selected the candidates for election to local soviets. In practice, at least before the June 1987 elections, these candidates had been selected by local Communist party, Komsomol, and trade union officials under the guidance of the district (raion) party organization. Elections took place after six weeks of campaigning, and the candidates, until 1987 always unopposed candidates, had usually received more than 99 percent of the vote.
Despite the party's historic control over local elections--from the nomination of candidates to their unopposed elections--the citizens used the elections to make public their concerns. They sometimes used the furnished paper ballots to write requests for particular public services. For example, the 1985 elections to an Omsk soviet included instructions to move the airfield farther from the city center, construct a new music center, and build parking facilities for invalids. Subsequently, the Omsk soviet took steps to provide these services, all of which had the approval of the relevant party authorities. Thus, citizen demands that were reconciled with the interests of the party apparatus have been met through election mandates.[2]
As he surveyed the European milieu in the late 1890s, Lenin found several problems with the Marxism of his day. Contrary to what Marx had predicted, capitalism had strengthened itself over the last third of the nineteenth century. The working class in western Europe had not become impoverished; rather, its prosperity had risen. Hence, the workers and their unions, although continuing to press for better wages and working conditions, failed to develop the revolutionary class consciousness that Marx had expected. Lenin also argued that the division of labor in capitalist society prevented the emergence of proletarian class consciousness. Lenin wrote that because workers had to labor ten or twelve hours each workday in a factory, they had no time to learn the complexities of Marxist theory.
Based on his observations, Lenin shifted the engine of proletarian revolution from the working class to a tightly knit party of intellectuals. Lenin wrote in What is to be Done (1902) that the "history of all countries bears out the fact that through their own powers alone, the working class can develop only a trade-union consciousness." That is, history had demonstrated that the working class could engage in local, spontaneous rebellions to improve its position within the capitalist system but that it lacked the understanding of its interests necessary to overthrow that system. Pessimistic about the proletariat's ability to acquire class consciousness, Lenin argued that the bearers of this consciousness were déclassé intellectuals who made it their vocation to conspire against the capitalist system and prepare for the dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin also held that because Marx's thought was set forth in a sophisticated body of philosophical, economic, and social analysis, a high level of intellectual training was required to comprehend it. Hence, for Lenin, those who would bring about the revolution must devote all their energies and resources to understanding the range of Marx's thought. They must be professional activists having no other duties that might interfere with their efforts to promote revolution.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union continued to regard itself as the institutionalization of Marxist-Leninist consciousness in the Soviet Union, and therein lied the justification for the controls it exercised over Soviet society. Article 6 of the 1977 Soviet Constitution referd to the party as the "leading and guiding force of Soviet society and the nucleus of its political system, of all state organizations and public organizations." The party, precisely because it was the bearer of Marxist-Leninist ideology, determined the general development of society, directed domestic and foreign policy, and "imparts a planned, systematic, and theoretically substantiated character" to the struggle of the Soviet people for the victory of communism.[3]
The nomenklatura referred to the Communist party's authority to make appointments to key positions throughout the governmental system, as well as throughout the party's own hierarchy. Coextensive with the nomenklatura were patron-client relations. Officials who had the authority to appoint individuals to certain positions cultivated loyalties among those whom they appointed. The patron (the official making the appointment) promoted the interests of clients in return for their support. Powerful patrons, such as the members of the Politburo, had many clients. Moreover, an official could be both a client (in relation to a higher-level patron) and a patron (to other, lower-level officials).
Because a client was beholden to his patron for his position, the client was eager to please his patron by carrying out his policies. The Soviet power structure essentially consisted of groups of vassals (clients) who had an overlord (the patron). The higher the patron, the more clients the patron had. Patrons protected their clients and tried to promote their careers. In return for the patron's efforts to promote their careers, the clients remained loyal to their patron. Thus, by promoting his clients' careers, the patron could advance his own power.
Milovan Djilas wrote of the nomenklatura in his book The New class, and that it was widely seen (and resented) by ordinary citizens as a bureaucratic élite that enjoyed special privileges and had simply supplanted the earlier wealthy capitalist élites.
The first constitution, the 1918 Soviet Constitution, described the regime that assumed power in the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. This constitution gave broad guarantees of equal rights to workers and peasants. It denied, however, the right of social groups that opposed the new government or supported the White armies in the Civil War (1918-21) to participate in elections to the soviets or to hold political power.
Supreme power rested with the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, made up of deputies from local soviets across Russia. The steering committee of the Congress of Soviets--known as the Central Executive Committee of the Congress of Soviets--acted as the "supreme organ of power" between sessions of the congress and as the collective presidency of the state.
The congress recognized the Council of People's Commissars (Sovet narodnykh kommissarov--Sovnarkom) as the administrative arm of the young government. (The Sovnarkom had exercised governmental authority from November 1917 until the adoption of the 1918 constitution.) The constitution made the Sovnarkom responsible to the Congress of Soviets for the "general administration of the affairs of the state." The constitution enabled the Sovnarkom to issue decrees carrying the full force of law when the congress was not in session. The congress then routinely approved these decrees at its next session.[4]
The 1924 Soviet Constitution constitution legitimated the December 1922 union of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, the Ukrainian Republic, the Belorussian Republic, and the Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic to form the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. This constitution also altered the structure of the central government. The constitution divided the Central Executive Committee into the Soviet of the Union, which would represent the constituent republics, and the Soviet of Nationalities, which would represent the interests of nationality groups. The Presidium of the Central Executive Committee served as the collective presidency. Between sessions of the Central Executive Committee, the Presidium supervised the government administration. The Central Executive Committee also elected the Sovnarkom, which served as the executive arm of the government.[5]
The 1936 Soviet Constitution, adopted on December 5, 1936, and also known as the "Stalin Constitution," redesigned the government. The constitution repealed restrictions on voting and added universal direct suffrage and the right to work to rights guaranteed by the previous constitution. The constitution also provided for the direct election of all government bodies and their reorganization into a single, uniform system.
The 1936 constitution changed the name of the Central Executive Committee to the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Like its predecessor, the Supreme Soviet contained two chambers: the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of Nationalities. The constitution empowered the Supreme Soviet to elect commissions, which performed most of the Supreme Soviet's work. As under the former constitution, the Presidium exercised the full powers of the Supreme Soviet between sessions and had the right to interpret laws. The chairman of the Presidium became the titular head of state. The Sovnarkom (after 1946 known as the Council of Ministers) continued to act as the executive arm of the government.[6]
Like the 1936 constitution, the 1977 Soviet Constitution used direct election of all government bodies and used the name "Soviet" for certain of these bodies.
- ^ See note regarding Library of Congress Country Studies. Chapter 7 - The Communist Party. Democratic Centralism
- ^ See note regarding Library of Congress Country Studies. Chapter 8 - Government Structure and Functions
- ^ See note regarding Library of Congress Country Studies. Chapter 7 - The Communist Party
- ^ See note regarding Library of Congress Country Studies. Chapter 8 - Government Structure and Functions
- ^ See note regarding Library of Congress Country Studies. Chapter 8 - Government Structure and Functions
- ^ See note regarding Library of Congress Country Studies. Chapter 8 - Government Structure and Functions
- This article contains material from the Library of Congress Country Studies, which are United States government publications in the public domain. - A Country Study: Soviet Union (Former).. Retrieved on December 4, 2006.