Sources
Help build the largest human-edited directory on the web.
Submit a site - Become an editor
Wikipedia. Licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License.
Are you an expert in this subject? Join the discussion and share your knowledge at Wikipedia.org.
Australian republic referendum, 1999
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The 1999 Australian referendum was a two-question referendum held on 6 November 1999. The first question asked whether Australia should become a republic with a President appointed by Parliament, a bi-partisan appointment model which had previously been decided at a Constitutional Convention in February 1998. The second question, generally deemed to be far less important politically, asked whether Australia should alter the constitution to insert a preamble. Neither of the amendments passed, with the 'no' side in the first question receiving 54.4% of the vote.
Contents |
For some years opinion polls had suggested that a majority of the electorate favoured republicanism,[1] but the referendum was nonetheless comfortably defeated. The majority of analysis has advanced two main reasons for the referendum defeat:
Firstly, Australians have traditionally been cautious about proposed constitutional change: only eight of 43 referendums since 1909 have been approved by a majority of voters in a majority of states (as they must to succeed). In Sir Robert Menzies' words, "to get an affirmative vote from the Australian people on a referendum proposal is one of the labours of Hercules."[citation needed]
Second, public opinion was not (and still is not) divided in a simple yes/no manner. The major opinion groups were:
- Traditional monarchists who held their beliefs largely on principled and/or sentimental attachment to the monarchy, in part based on traditional associations with the United Kingdom, the Commonwealth of Nations and a personal identification with Elizabeth II and her family. Many were older or from rural rather than urban areas.
- Pragmatic monarchists who maintained that, whatever the argued weaknesses of the current system, it also had many strengths; following the motto of "If it ain't broke, don't fix it". The view of this group was that constitutional monarchy provides the basis for stable democratic government, with the Governor-General (the monarch's nominal representative) acting as an impartial, non-political "umpire" of the political process. Many claimed that republican government would lead to instability or even dictatorship and result in an undesirable politicisation of the office of head of state.
- Minimal change republicans who aimed to replace the monarch with an appointed Australian head of state, but otherwise maintain the current system as unchanged as possible. Within this group, there were a small group of supporters of the ultra-minimalist McGarvie Model, but generally the favoured model of these groups was appointment by a two-thirds majority of a joint sitting of Parliament.
- Progressive republicans who aimed to replace the monarch with a popularly elected head of state.
- Radical republicans, who saw the minimal change option as purely cosmetic, and desired comprehensive revision to the current Westminster-based system. This was easily the smallest major group, but prominent in the debate.
- Tactical voters, who took a long-term view and voted against their inclinations. Many traditional and pragmatic monarchists perceived a weight of inevitability and voted "yes" to the minimalist republic in order to avoid a more radical republic. Many sentimental republicans voted "no" in the hope of a more radical or populist proposal winning a future referendum.
- The Uncommitted — as in all electorates, a large proportion of the electorate remained unattached to either side. (Uncommitted 'swinging voters' are often the decisive force in shaping referendums results and election outcomes in democracies worldwide.)
- Election
- by the federal Parliament alone
- by federal and state Parliaments (as in India)
- by a popular vote (as in the Republic of Ireland)
- Selection
- by the Prime Minister
- by consensus among the Government and Opposition
- by a constitutional council (known as the McGarvie Model)
Different groups within the republican cause expressed views as to which one was preferable. Some were committed to one option exclusively.
The "yes" campaign was divided in detail but nevertheless managed to present a fairly united and coherent message, and was notable for unlikely alliances between traditional opponents - former Labor Prime Minister Gough Whitlam and former Liberal Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser gave joint statements, for example. Many other prominent Australians also endorsed the yes vote - which, however, led to claims that the movement was "elitist" in sentiment and led by politicians rather than people. Viewing the case for a republic as fairly self-evident and broadly supported by the Australian populace, their advertising concentrated mainly on the positive symbolism of the republican case.
The organised "no" campaign was a mixture of monarchist groups such as Australians for Constitutional Monarchy (ACM) and the Australian Monarchist League. Additionally it included some republican groups who did not feel that the proposed model was satisfactory, in particular they thought the people should elect the President. Headed by Kerry Jones of ACM, the "no" campaign concentrated on the alleged flaws of the model on offer, considering those who supported the "yes" push as "elites", and skilfully managing to appeal both to those apprehensive about the change on one hand, and those feeling the model didn't go far enough on the other. Their advertising emphasised voting no to "this republic", implying to direct-election supporters that a model more to their preferences was likely to be put in the future.
The common elements within the no campaign were the view that the model proposed was undemocratic and would lead to a "politician's republic". "No" campaigners called for further consultation, while remaining non-specific on what steps were needed to ensure this.
The questions of being a republic put to electors was whether they approved of:
A proposed law: To alter the Constitution to establish the Commonwealth of Australia as a republic with the Queen and Governor-General being replaced by a President appointed by a two-thirds majority of the members of the Commonwealth Parliament.
Electors were also asked to vote on a second question at the 1999 referendum which asked whether they approved of:
A proposed law: To alter the Constitution to insert a preamble.
The preamble would then have read
- With hope in God, the Commonwealth of Australia is constituted as a democracy with a federal system of government to serve the common good.
- We the Australian people commit ourselves to this Constitution:
- proud that our national unity has been forged by Australians from many ancestries;
- never forgetting the sacrifices of all who defended our country and our liberty in time of war;
- upholding freedom, tolerance, individual dignity and the rule of law;
- honouring Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, the nation's first people, for their deep kinship with their lands and for their ancient and continuing cultures which enrich the life of our country;
- recognising the nation-building contribution of generations of immigrants;
- mindful of our responsibility to protect our unique natural environment;
- supportive of achievement as well as equality of opportunity for all;
- and valuing independence as dearly as the national spirit which binds us together in both adversity and success.
In order to pass, each question required a majority 'Yes' vote, as well as a majority of states (four or more) to have a majority 'Yes' vote. Voters in the territories only count towards the national vote. In practice, the requirement is to carry four states, as there has never been a referendum which carried four states and failed to pass, whereas there have been several that gained an overall majority but failed to carry four states. On this basis, the margin of failure can validly be regarded as the margin in the fourth state, and so the effective referendum yes vote was only 41.48%
| State/Territory | Republic 'Yes' vote | Preamble 'Yes' vote |
| New South Wales | 46.43% | 42.14% |
| Victoria | 49.84% | 42.46% |
| Queensland | 37.44% | 32.81% |
| Western Australia | 41.48% | 34.73% |
| South Australia | 43.57% | 38.10% |
| Tasmania | 40.37% | 35.67% |
| Australian Capital Territory | 63.27% | 43.61% |
| Northern Territory | 48.77% | 38.52% |
| National total | 45.13% | 39.34% |
Roughly 55% of the nation voted "no" and all states voted "no". This was broadly as expected: the real surprise was the distribution of the votes. As expected, traditionally conservative states and rural areas were strongholds for the constitutional monarchy; but wealthy city electorates mostly voted "yes", and blue-ribbon Labor seats in working-class suburbs voted "no". The failure of the opinion pollsters to pick up these trends has caused many people to question their methodology.
One aspect of this referendum that is consistently overlooked by the political class is how politicians as a group are perceived in the Australian community, particularly by electors in the lower socio-economic levels, and how this shaped their attitude to the referendum.
The outcome was met with angst by the republicans. Some, notably Australian Republican Movement president Malcolm Turnbull, spoke bitterly in the aftermath, blaming Prime Minister Howard in particular for their defeat. Ironically, Mr Turnbull is now a Liberal MP. Despite the hopes of radical republicans such as Phil Cleary, the referendum defeat was generally viewed as a setback for the republican cause and no further referendums on the subject were mooted by the Howard government.
"Whatever else he [Prime Minister Howard] achieves, history will remember him for one thing. He was the prime minister who broke this nation's heart."
– Malcolm Turnbull, on the night the Republic referendum was defeated
ACM leader Kerry Jones called for citizens to accept the result and go forward "as a united nation". In recent years some republicans have called for a second referendum, proposing either a different style of presidency or a more generalised "republic or monarchy" question as a "first step" to establishing a new Head of State system.
On the face of things, with republican models of one form or another winning a majority in opinion polls, it might have been expected that the republican referendum would pass comfortably. However, few mainstream republicans were wholly agreed about the proposed mechanisms for replacing the monarch and Governor-General with either an appointed head of state (which was widely criticised as being undemocratic), or with an elected head of state (which was widely criticised as moving Australia away from the proven Westminster System toward an American-style presidential system, even though many Parliamentary republics directly elect non-executive Presidents).
The former model (with an appointed head) was the one endorsed by the Constitutional Convention and put forward at the referendum. It was broadly supported by both minimalist and progressive republicans, including almost all Labor and some conservative politicians. It was opposed by royalists of both kinds, although republicans claim that some voted for it as the Convention's recommended model because they saw it as the model least likely to succeed. ACM delegates at the Convention, following their policy of "No Republic" abstained from that vote, and in doing so allowed the model to pass. The radical republicans were ambivalent, reasoning that a simple cosmetic removal of the monarchy would make more far-reaching and substantial changes impossible.
Some commentators claimed the referendum campaign and result was evidence that old sectarian and ethnic tensions in Australia persisted, with Protestants of British background supporting the monarchy and Catholics — predominantly of Irish and non-British heritage — supporting the republic.[2] Certainly, during the campaign Harold Scruby of Ausflag publicised a concern that around 300,000 exceptionally enfranchised British subjects who were not Australian citizens would vote solidly as a loyalist bloc in favour of the monarchy.[3]
The Yes vote was undoubtedly strongest amongst the core Labor constituency of urban multilingual migrants and their descendants and those of an Irish Catholic background[4] — for these groups the monarchy embodied British imperialism and was, hence, an anachronism in modern multicultural Australia. Conversely, the No vote was strongest amongst the core conservative constituencies of rural Anglophone and Anglo-Australian communities and the Protestant middle class. For these groups, the monarchy represented tradition and continuity.
Nonetheless, considerable numbers of Catholics voted No and considerable numbers of Protestants voted Yes. Similarly, large numbers of Australians of British background voted Yes and large numbers of Australians of Irish and other background voted No. It has also been claimed these divisions were class-based rather than or as well as sectarian: the No campaign succeeded in portraying the Yes camp as an un-Australian elite of "chardonnay-drinking Catholics in posh sea-side suburbs of Sydney who were not interested in the views of beer-drinking members of the Returned Servicemen's clubs in the working class Western suburbs"[5] and the status quo, conversely, as representative of quintessential Australia.
After the referendum defeat, the consensus amongst analysts was to mythologise it as an exemplification of the core Australian trait of anti-authoritarianism ("long time republican[s] refused to vote for a republic because the republicans tried too hard")[6], even though it was, by definition, a triumph for the establishment.
- ^ Newspoll: January 2007 republic poll (PDF). Retrieved on 2007-02-17.
- ^ Knightley, Philip. A Biography of a Nation. London: Vintage (2001).
- ^ http://www.abc.net.au/worldtoday/stories/s48403.htm
- ^ http://members.optushome.com.au/spainter/Referendum.html
- ^ Knightley. Australia(2001), p. 344
- ^ Ibid., p. 344
 |
|---|
| 1901 | 1903 | 1906 | 1910 | 1913 | 1914¹ | 1917 | 1919 | 1922 | 1925 | 1928 | 1929² | 1931 | 1934 | 1937 | 1940 | 1943 | 1946 | 1949 | 1951¹ | 1954² | 1955 | 1958 | 1961 | 1963² | 1966² | 1969² | 1972² | 1974¹ | 1975¹ | 1977 | 1980 | 1983¹ | 1984 | 1987¹ | 1990 | 1993 | 1996 | 1998 | 2001 | 2004 | 2007 | next ¹ Double dissolution elections ² House-only elections |
| Senate-only elections |
| 1953 | 1964 | 1967 | 1970 |
| Australian referendums |
| 1906 | 1910 | 1911 | 1913 | 1916 | 1917 | 1919 | 1926 | 1928 | 1937 | 1944 | 1946 | 1948 | 1951 | 1967 | 1973 | 1974 | 1977 | 1984 | 1988 | 1999 |